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Deterrence Without Threat? India’s Nuclear Posture and the Puzzle of Offensive Readiness
Tahir Azad
Analysis Series
Analysis/0037/June/2026/London-Dialogue. 10 June 2026
Introduction
The SIPRI Yearbook 2026, released on 8 June 2026, delivers a stark assessment: states are increasingly treating nuclear weapons as instruments of national power, reversing decades of effort to reduce their numbers and their role, even as the risks of miscalculation and escalation are rising. Nowhere is this reversal more analytically troubling than in India. India’s nuclear stockpile increased from 180 warheads in January 2025 to an estimated 190 by January 2026, pulling 20 warheads ahead of Pakistan, whose arsenal remained largely unchanged over the same period.
This is not merely a numbers story. It is a posture story, and the posture tells a revealing tale about the political choices being made in New Delhi under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government of Narendra Modi. India faces no existential threat. No state is credibly planning to invade and occupy the Indian subcontinent. However, India is expanding its warhead stockpile, transitioning its missiles from de-alerted to alert configurations, building out a sea-based nuclear triad at pace, and progressively hollowing out its declared commitment to No First Use.
The central puzzle is not whether India has the right to maintain a nuclear deterrent but why a state operating in a non-existential threat environment is deliberately engineering the conditions for offensive nuclear posture and what this means for regional and global stability.
Table 1: Global Nuclear Warhead Inventories, January 2026
State | Total Warheads | Deployed | Military Stockpile | High-Alert |
Russia | 5,460 | 1,710 | 4,380 | 1,200 |
United States | 5,042 | 1,670 | 3,700 | 900 |
China | 620 | ~350 | 620 | ~350 |
France | 290 | 280 | 290 | 280 |
United Kingdom | 225 | 120 | 225 | 120 |
India | 190 | ~0 | 190 | 0 |
Pakistan | 170 | ~0 | 170 | 0 |
North Korea | ~60 | ~0 | ~60 | 0 |
Israel | ~90 | ~0 | ~90 | 0 |
Source: SIPRI Yearbook 2026, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 8 June 2026. * Denotes estimates. High-alert figures represent warheads on ballistic missiles at operational readiness.
The Posture Shift: From Restraint to Readiness
India’s original nuclear doctrine, codified formally in 2003, rested on three interlocking commitments: No First Use, credible minimum deterrence, and massive retaliation. The doctrine was a product of the Vajpayee-era National Democratic Alliance government and was considered a model of responsible nuclear statecraft for a newly declared nuclear state.
The erosion of that posture has been gradual but unmistakable. SIPRI’s 2025 Yearbook had already flagged that India’s new canisterised missiles, capable of being transported with mated warheads, may carry nuclear warheads during peacetime and possibly even multiple warheads on each missile, signalling a move away from India’s traditional de-alerted posture. A canisterised, road-mobile missile with a mated warhead is not a minimum deterrent instrument. It is a launch-ready system with compressed decision timelines and a reduced margin for crisis management.
The sea-based dimension compounds the concern significantly. India’s SSBN programme, under the Advanced Technology Vessel (ATV) project, has moved from demonstrator to operational fleet at a pace that reflects an ambition well beyond assured second-strike.
Table 2: India’s SSBN Fleet Development
Vessel | Commissioned | Displacement | SLBM Type | Range | Status |
INS Arihant | Aug 2016 | 6,000 t | K-15 | 750 km | Operational |
INS Arighaat | Aug 2024 | 6,000 t | K-4 | 3,500 km | Operational |
INS Aridhaman | 2026* | 6,000 t | K-4 | 3,500 km | Sea trials |
S4* (unnamed) | 2027* | ~7,000 t | K-4 | 3,500 km | Sea trials begun Dec 2025 |
S5 class | 2030s* | TBD | K-5/6* | 5,000+ km* | Development |
Source: Army Recognition, December 2025; Zona Militar, December 2025; Indian Navy official statements. * Projected commissioning dates. K-5/K-6 development details are indicative.
In December 2025, India conducted a test launch of its K-4 submarine-launched ballistic missile from INS Arighaat in the Bay of Bengal, marking the first operational SLBM test from that platform. The K-4’s 3,500-kilometre range dramatically enlarges safe patrol zones and improves confidence in second-strike survivability. Sea-based nuclear forces are inherently different in political character from land-based ones: they are survivable, and survivability is the bedrock of second-strike credibility. But building a robust at-sea deterrent also reflects a doctrinal confidence that nuclear weapons will be used, not merely held.
A state genuinely committed to minimum deterrence as political insurance does not invest at this pace in a multi-submarine fleet with extended-range SLBMs. This is the infrastructure of nuclear warfighting, not symbolic deterrence.
Table 3: South Asian and Regional Nuclear Comparison
Category | India | Pakistan | China |
Warheads (Jan 2026) | ~190 | ~170 | ~620 |
Change 2025-2026 | +10 | No change | +20 |
Land-based missiles | Yes (Agni series) | Yes (Shaheen/Ghauri) | Yes (DF series) |
Air-delivered capability | Yes | Yes | Yes |
Sea-based SSBN | 3 SSBNs (active) | No | 6+ SSBNs |
NFU Policy | Declared (eroding) | No | Declared |
Fissile material production | Active (BARC) | Active (Khushab) | Active |
Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) | Moderate stock | Large stock | Large stock |
Plutonium stock | ~0.6 t weapons-gr. | ~0.3 t weapons-gr. | ~2.9 t |
CTBT status | Not signed | Not signed | Signed, not ratified |
NPT status | Non-signatory | Non-signatory | NWS signatory |
NSG membership | 2008 waiver; seeks membership | Seeks membership | Member |
Source: SIPRI Yearbook 2026; Arms Control Association; Federation of American Scientists; IAEA safeguards documentation. Fissile material figures are estimates.
The NFU Erosion: Doctrine By Tweet
The integrity of India’s No First Use commitment has been under sustained attack from within the BJP government itself. In August 2019, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, visiting Pokhran on the anniversary of former Prime Minister Vajpayee’s death, tweeted that India had strictly adhered to its NFU doctrine but that “what happens in the future depends on the circumstances”. This formulation was not an accident of phrasing but a calculated signal to domestic and regional audiences.
His predecessor Manohar Parrikar had made a similar move in November 2016, stating at a book launch that he wondered why India said it would not use nuclear weapons first. The BJP’s 2014 election manifesto had explicitly pledged to ‘revise and update India’s nuclear doctrine’, a commitment quietly dropped from the 2019 manifesto but pursued through incremental signalling and capability development rather than doctrinal declaration, which is arguably more dangerous because it leaves adversaries to infer intent from ambiguous evidence.
During the April 2024 election campaign, Prime Minister Modi attacked the opposition at a rally in Madhya Pradesh, stating that those against nuclear weapons cannot protect the country, framing nuclear disarmament as an act of national betrayal. Nuclear weapons are no longer being discussed primarily as strategic instruments; they are being deployed as electoral props by a majoritarian nationalist government for which military assertiveness and nuclear ownership have become identity markers.
United News of India has noted that Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force, if necessary, with no acknowledgement of the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries. This fusion of Hindu nationalist politics with nuclear signalling creates a deeply hazardous feedback loop: the domestic political incentive to appear maximally strong on security reinforces the structural incentive to maintain ambiguity around NFU, which in turn degrades crisis stability.
The absence of formal doctrinal revision does not mean the intent has dissipated. It means it is being pursued through incremental capability development and political signalling, which is more dangerous because it leaves adversaries to infer intent from ambiguous evidence.
Accidental and Unauthorised Use: A Pattern of Vulnerability
Perhaps the most under-examined dimension of India’s nuclear expansion is the record of command-and-control failures and near-miss incidents that have accumulated alongside its arsenal growth. As India transitions from a de-alerted posture to a more operationally ready force, with mated warheads on road-mobile missiles and SSBNs on deterrent patrol, the systemic risks of accidental or unauthorised use multiply in direct proportion to the operational tempo of the force.
· The 2022 BrahMos Incident: The World’s First Accidental Firing of a Nuclear-Capable Missile Between Nuclear-Armed States
On 9 March 2022, India accidentally fired a BrahMos supersonic cruise missile from Ambala, Haryana. The missile travelled 124 kilometres inside Pakistani territory at three times the speed of sound in just under four minutes, crashing near Mian Channu in Punjab province. Pakistan’s Air Defence Operations Centre tracked the object from its launch. No warhead was carried, and no casualties resulted. Both sides ultimately projected calm.
The immediate explanation offered by New Delhi was a technical malfunction during routine maintenance. A court of inquiry subsequently found that the cause was human: deviation from standard operating procedures by three Air Force officers, who were dismissed from service. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, in a statement that encapsulated the government’s institutional complacency, simultaneously vowed accountability and insisted that India’s “safety procedures and protocols are of the highest order”.
The BrahMos is a dual-capable system. It can carry a conventional or nuclear warhead. Pakistan did not know which variant had been fired when it entered Pakistani airspace. The Pakistan Air Force tracked a high-speed flying object accelerating toward populated territory for three minutes and forty-four seconds before impact. Reports subsequently emerged that Pakistan was close to launching a retaliatory strike before the nature of the incident was clarified through diplomatic channels. That clarification arrived through back channels that neither government has fully acknowledged. The world avoided a nuclear crisis through a combination of luck and the physical fact that the warhead was not armed, not through the functioning of any designed crisis-management mechanism.
The BrahMos incident was not a minor technical mishap. It was the first accidental firing of a nuclear-capable delivery system between two nuclear-armed states in history. That it did not trigger nuclear escalation owes more to contingency than to the robustness of South Asian crisis management architecture.
The structural vulnerability the incident exposed is directly relevant to India’s posture shift. Research published in a peer-reviewed journal has argued that India’s nuclear command-and-control infrastructure may have a large overlap with conventional systems, raising the risk of entanglement and a greater possibility of unauthorised or accidental use. As India canistersises its missiles and mates’ warheads in peacetime, the procedural gap between a conventional maintenance activity and an accidental nuclear launch narrows. The BrahMos incident occurred in a de-alerted environment; the consequences of an equivalent failure in a ready-alert posture are qualitatively different.
A Daily Times analysis from 2026 concluded that the BrahMos episode highlighted deviations from standard operating procedures, insufficient fail-safes, and inadequate crisis-communication mechanisms. India’s nuclear governance architecture contains the relevant regulatory bodies and safety protocols on paper; the problem lies in inconsistent enforcement and very limited transparency.
Table 4: India’s Accidental Launch, Near-Miss, and Doctrinal Instability Incidents
Date | Incident | Nature | Consequence / Response |
Nov 2016 | Defence Minister Parrikar questions NFU publicly at book launch | Doctrinal / political | The government distanced itself; raised global concern over India’s nuclear signalling |
Aug 2019 | Defence Minister Rajnath Singh tweets NFU is conditional on ‘circumstances’ | Doctrinal signal | Heightened Pakistan alert; international concern over doctrine erosion |
9 Mar 2022 | BrahMos supersonic cruise missile accidentally fired from Ambala, Haryana; travelled 124 km into Pakistan’s Punjab province | Accidental launch of nuclear-capable delivery system | Property damage in Mian Channu; Pakistan summoned Indian envoy; near-retaliatory response reported; 3 IAF officers dismissed |
May 2025 | Operation Sindoor: India struck Pakistani air and missile bases with nuclear-related roles during conventional conflict | Conventional strike on nuclear-adjacent infrastructure | First-ever cyber integration with nuclear-adjacent kinetic strikes; both sides stepped back; SIPRI flagged as ‘unusually severe crisis’ |
Source: Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists; CNN; SIPRI Yearbook 2026; Daily Times; Foreign Policy; Arms Control Association.
· Systemic Vulnerabilities and the SSBN Problem
The sea-based dimension introduces a qualitatively new set of command-and-control challenges. War on the Rocks analysts noted that a sea-based deterrent may entail a ready-to-use arsenal and less restrictive command-and-control procedures, increasing the probability of accidental use. An SSBN on deterrent patrol, operating under communication constraints necessary for survivability, operates in an information-degraded environment where the commanding officer may receive incomplete or delayed national command authority instructions during a crisis. India’s doctrine commits nuclear use authority to the Prime Minister through the Nuclear Command Authority; how that authority chain functions in practice for an SSBN on patrol in contested maritime space remains opaque.
India’s official doctrine states that safety is an absolute requirement and that tamper-proof procedures shall be instituted to ensure that unauthorised or inadvertent use does not occur. The BrahMos incident demonstrated that this aspiration has not been matched by implementation. As India moves toward a larger, more operationally ready nuclear force, the gap between doctrinal safety aspirations and operational reality is a structural risk factor for the entire region.
The NSG Waiver: Rewarding the Wrong Behaviour
The Nuclear Suppliers Group was founded in 1974 in direct response to India’s nuclear test, with the explicit purpose of preventing nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full-scope safeguards condition, making India the first country permitted to conduct nuclear trade with NSG members while retaining its nuclear weapons programme.
The waiver was achieved after immense US political pressure and a frantic Indian lobbying campaign, with Chinese opposition only overcome after President Bush telephoned President Hu Jintao directly. The Indian elite sought the waiver not merely for energy purposes but as an important step toward great-power status, with the NSG waiver going a long way toward legally recognising India as a nuclear weapons state, a designation previously reserved for the P5. The waiver formally incorporated India’s commitment to NFU and its moratorium on nuclear testing as conditions. Both have since been progressively undermined, and neither the US nor the NSG membership has treated this erosion as grounds for revisiting the privilege granted.
India has since concluded bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements with at least 10 NSG supplier states and is actively pursuing full NSG membership. If Modi’s government secures full membership, it would eclipse its political rival the Congress party, which negotiated the original 2008 waiver. NSG membership has thus been transformed into a BJP political trophy, making a non-proliferation governance mechanism an instrument of domestic electoral competition.
The 2008 NSG waiver front-loaded all strategic rewards while leaving non-proliferation obligations almost entirely unenforced. It has created a precedent of exceptionalism: that sufficient strategic importance to a great power can be exchanged for non-proliferation legitimacy without the obligations that NPT membership entails.
The Arms Race Dynamic: Warhead Growth and Regional Escalation
The SIPRI Yearbook 2026 confirms that India’s modernisation programme is increasingly focused on developing long-range weapons capable of reaching targets throughout China, while planning also continues around the India-Pakistan rivalry. Pakistan, unable to match India’s conventional military spending, responds through nuclear expansion and fissile material accumulation. China presses forward with a build-up oriented toward the United States, which India then cites as justification for its own upgrades. This triangular dynamic produces an escalatory spiral with no obvious stabilisation point.
Table 5: India and Pakistan Warhead Growth Trajectory, 2013-2026
Year | India Warheads | Pakistan Warheads | Trend (India) |
2013 | 90-110 | 100-120 | ■■■■■■ |
2016 | 110-120 | 110-130 | ■■■■■■■ |
2018 | 130-140 | 140-150 | ■■■■■■■■ |
2020 | 150 | 160 | ■■■■■■■■■■ |
2022 | 160 | 165 | ■■■■■■■■■■■ |
2024 | 172 | 170 | ■■■■■■■■■■■■ |
2025 | 180 | 170 | ■■■■■■■■■■■■■ |
2026 | 190 | 170 | ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■ |
Source: SIPRI Yearbooks 2013-2026; Federation of American Scientists. Figures are SIPRI estimates; bars are indicative of relative growth.
The May 2025 Operation Sindoor crisis illustrated what these dynamics produce under stress. SIPRI described the confrontation as “an unusually severe military crisis” in which India struck Pakistani air and missile bases with nuclear-related roles and noted that India and Pakistan integrated cyber operations into active military conflict for the first time. That India chose to strike facilities with nuclear adjacency demonstrates that the firebreak between conventional and nuclear military operations is narrowing. A government that campaigns on nuclear assertiveness, that has publicly questioned its NFU commitment, and that has built the hardware of a warfighting-capable nuclear force has already begun eroding the cognitive distance between conventional conflict and nuclear use.
Asia is now home to the world’s most dynamic nuclear build-up, occurring across multiple simultaneous dyads, in a region where arms control architecture is effectively absent. There is no Asian equivalent of New START, no confidence-building regime for nuclear forces between India and Pakistan, and no strategic stability dialogue of any meaningful depth between India and China.
Strategic Patience and the Absent Threat
The hardest question to answer is, ‘What threat, precisely, is driving this?’ The BJP government offers two answers. The first is China, whose expanding nuclear arsenal and conventional military modernisation present a genuine long-term challenge. The second is Pakistan, a state with a history of asymmetric conflict with India and a nuclear arsenal designed to offset India’s conventional superiority.
Neither answer is without merit as a justification for maintaining a nuclear deterrent. But neither constitutes a justification for the specific trajectory India is on a shift toward ready-alert postures, a multi-submarine SSBN fleet, canisterised missiles with mated warheads, and a systematic political erosion of NFU. China poses a conventional and nuclear challenge over the long term, but it is not threatening to invade India. Pakistan does not represent an existential threat to India’s territorial integrity, even accounting for the risk of sub-conventional conflict in Kashmir.
What India appears to be pursuing is not deterrence of an imminent threat but deterrence expansion as an expression of great-power aspiration: a desire to sit at the top table of nuclear states with capabilities commensurate with its claimed status. The nuclear programme is simultaneously an insurance policy, a status symbol, and, under the BJP government, a political instrument of domestic mobilisation. That combination is uniquely dangerous because it decouples nuclear posture from genuine threat calculation and connects it instead to identity politics and international prestige competition, domains where the normal logic of deterrence stability does not apply.
Conclusion: Intention, Not Inevitability
India’s nuclear trajectory is not a passive response to an uncontrollable external environment. It is the product of deliberate choices: choices to expand the warhead stockpile; choices to canisterise missiles and mate warheads; choices to build out a multi-submarine SSBN fleet; choices to signal NFU ambiguity; choices to campaign electorally on nuclear assertiveness; and choices to pursue NSG membership as a BJP political prize rather than a genuine non-proliferation contribution.
The SIPRI Yearbook 2026 documents the arithmetic of this trajectory. SIPRI Director Karim Haggag has warned that making national defence and security strategies more dependent on nuclear weapons could significantly increase nuclear risks. Hans Kristensen of FAS has observed that by reaching for nuclear solutions, states are creating new risks and fuelling arms-race dynamics. India is simultaneously contributing to all three of those risk multipliers: advancing its nuclear weapons technology, participating in the breakdown of arms control norms by undermining NFU, and contributing to geopolitical tensions through its domestically driven strategic assertiveness.
The 2022 BrahMos accidental launch demonstrated that India’s command-and-control infrastructure is fallible in ways that, in a more operationally ready force, could produce irreversible consequences. A government that tells voters those against nuclear weapons cannot protect the country has crossed a threshold from strategic policy into nuclear nationalism, and nuclear nationalism is not subject to the same cost-benefit calculations that make deterrence stable.
The consequence for South Asia is a region in which both nuclear-armed states are expanding their capabilities, where the May 2025 crisis demonstrated that conventional military operations can and do involve nuclear-adjacent targets, where arms control infrastructure is absent, and where the political discourse in the dominant power actively delegitimises restraint. This is a managed escalation environment, except that it is not being managed. It is being accelerated, one warhead, one SSBN, one campaign rally, at a time.
Tahir Azad
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